92nd American Meteorological Society Annual Meeting (January 22-26, 2012)

Wednesday, 25 January 2012: 9:00 AM
Notation in Action II: The Graph and the Weather-Clock in the Meteorological Network of the Early Royal Society of London
Room 346/347 (New Orleans Convention Center )
Brant M. Vogel, ICHM, Brooklyn, NY

Notation in Action II: The Graph and the Weather-Clock in the Meteorological Network of the Early Royal Society of London Brant Vogel, Brooklyn, New York This paper is an expansion of the analysis of two novel technologies in early meteorology first presented at Circulating Ideas in Seventeenth-Century Europe: Networks, Knowledge, And Forms (Royal Society, London, 2010). The first paper examined the rapid dissemination of the use of graphic notation through the correspondence networks of seventeenth-century natural philosophers. This sequel examines the interrelationships of the non-human actors, i.e. the method of graphing, and the first instances of self-registering scientific instruments, in terms of the failure of technological determinism as an historical explanation, but also the recognition of a certain technological enthusiasm pushing forward ideas which failed despite their extrinsic ap-peal. In 1683 Martin Lister, FRS, a physician from York, presented a novel mode of scientific notation to the Royal Society of London: the graphic notation of the movements of the mercury in the barometer over time. Originally a personal method of notation, it became the object of scientific correspondence, particularly with Robert Plot, FRS, former Royal Society Secretary, now member of the Philosophical Society of Oxford, and William Molyneux, FRS, Secretary and founder of the Philosophical Society of Dublin. In support of the technique of notation and subsequent correspondence, printers and instrument makers were engaged to engrave regular forms for the graphic notation of data, which were later advertized for sale. Finally, after some months of activity, Plot wrote a letter to Dr. Lister praising the method, giving a graphic diary of barometric readings at Oxford, which found its way into the Philosophical Transactions (n. 169). Graphic notation was an anomaly in the seventeenth century, and was not picked up on by subsequent philosophers—the methodology would be re-invented a century later. But for an historical moment, it attained a certain caché over a broad geographic area because of personal networks amongst members of various Anglophone philosophical societies. The technique's temporary hold on the philosophical world's attention was bolstered by journal publication, which in turn induced activities from commercially-minded instrument makers. Lister's closest rival for priority in the development of graphical inscription of raw data was a machine. Even before Robert Hooke proposed his tabular scheme for a “History of the Weather,” the Royal Society was fascinated with a weather instrument by which they could mas-ter the weather, and record its changes with ease. In 1663 Christopher Wren had designed a "weather-clock," inspired by Cornelius Drebbel's perpetual motion machine, which measured the wind, the weather-glass, and rain. Wren had devised an automatic rain gauge that worked by a tilting bucket mechanism, the first self-registering weather instrument. When fully conceived, Wren's weather-clock would be a device that automatically recorded the weather-glass and the winds on a group of graduated disks and drums. The Royal Society, on hearing of it, was very anxious to have it completed. On September 16, 1663, when the Society had begun discussing a group project to make a history of the weather, a request was sent to Wren for his "scheme" to record the weather. On October 12, having apparently gotten more details, the Society ordered Hooke to make two thermometers, one of tin, and one of glass, for Wren's clock. Wren attended the December 9, 1663, meeting of the Society, and described to the fellows his weather-clock, in which two wings containing instruments could be added to a standard pendulum clock. One side recorded the wind. The other side recorded his "weather-wheel," a mercury-filled air thermome-ter. At the next meeting, Wren was asked to get an estimate for constructing the weather-clock. However, after this initial enthusiasm, it does not seem that a recording weather-clock, aside from Wren's initial model, was built for the Society. In 1666, Robert Moray noted how much easier the work of observation would be "when Dr. Christopher Wren puts into practice, what he some years ago proposed to the Royal Society concerning an Engine with a Clock-work, which may perform these Observations . . . without being touched or lookt after but once or twice a day." But the project was not realized until Hooke picked it up several years later. Hooke had been working on a weather-clock in February, 1672-3, and announced it in March of the same year. With the assistance of clockmaker Thomas Tompion, Hooke made a weather-clock of sorts for Sir William Petty in 1674-5. On December 5, 1678, Hooke presented parts of his weather-clock to the assembled fellows, and outlined his plans. The weather-clock was to measure and record wind direction and strength, temperature, humidity, air pressure, rain, snow and hail—all of the observables that we will see as part of his program for a history of the weather—as well as sunshine. Punches would record data on continuous rolls of paper. Greeting this machine with enthusiasm; the Society asked for a completion time for the clock, which he estimated at a month to six weeks. A month later he took a small group up to his observatory at the top of Gresham College, to have a look at his progress. It is clear that the rather elaborate mechanism had to be built into its location, and would probably be prohibitively expensive to reproduce. Its main flaw would have been that most components would be indoors. After finishing it in February, Hooke removed it to another location, where it was attended by Henry Hunt, one of the Royal Society operators, until being forgotten. Not until the nineteenth century would there be recording weather instruments of scientific utility. There is no doubt that the prospect of having a recording instrument was seen for the scientific advantages it represented; yet at the same time, the fascination with having a curiosity of this complexity touched the same aesthetic as had Drebbel's clock of seventy-four years be-fore. The weather-clock embodies the affinity of time and weather within the culture of the seventeenth century, like almanacs, weather diaries, and Lister's graph.

Supplementary URL: